To Cawnpore

The situation, as Outram was well aware, was dangerous. There were barely enough troops to hold Cawnpore, let alone relieve Lucknow – and at that station, the men of the Residency were, at this point, reduced to fighting from behind piles of rubble. Hanging over everyone, like a thundercloud, was the mighty Gwalior Contingent, still being held back by the wily machinations of Scindia and Dinkar Rao; Agra was completely isolated while from Delhi came incessant calls for aid. In the Punjab, John Lawrence was holding a very precarious peace aided by the few lieutenants he had left. Should Lucknow fall or if any of the positions on the line of advance towards the beleaguered station should fail, it would be the end of Inglis and his gallant band. As long as Delhi was held by that meagre force on the Ridge, they could prevent a deluge of rebels from pouring into Oudh; however, should Lawrence fail in Punjab or Inglis in Lucknow, it would force Wilson on the Delhi Ridge to raise the siege and retreat from his position – this would ultimately seal the fate not only for Benares but Agraas the entire rebel force, supported by the Gwalior Contingent and any number of mutineers from other districts would be free to converge and overrun the entire British line.
The line itself between Allahabad and Calcutta was held by a chain of positions along the river, maintained by small detachments, some hardly able to hold their own in case of a severe attack. The disaster at Dinapur, where the mutinous regiments had been allowed to leave the station with their arms and throw in their lot with Kunwar Singh, who in his turn harrassed Wake and his small force at Arrah had been unfortunate to the extreme. Dunbar then messed up the first relief, leaving Eyre to clean up and restore some stability to Bihar – however, as Outram was leaving Calcutta, Eyre had not yet fought Kunwar Singh at Jagdispur but he had relived Arrah on the 3rd, this much Outram knew. However as to where Eyre was exactly was only to be guessed at, according to the reports, Eyre and “his bullock battery were somewhere between Dinapore and Benares.”
The only men Outram had to relieve Lucknow consisted nominally of the HM’s 5th and 90th Foot who were currently in Calcutta and were being dispatched at the rather worrisomely slow rate of 80 men a day by bullock train. It would take some time for all of them to be collected together. He was also relying on Eyre and his battery to make haste as they too were needed at Cawnpore.
On Outram’s direction, the mode of transport for the troops was changed significantly – the bullock train was hot, slow and above all, trundling along the Grand Trunk Road, which was fraught with dangers from all sides; the river therefore was considered a better option. While it was neither pleasant nor fast to use the flat-bottomed steamers, towing their attendant flats as they contended with not only the swift Ganges current and the frequent stops for coal, it at least ensured the men, who were not as yet acclimatised to India, arrived at their destination healthier, than those who had to march. This, however, would have its own drawbacks as Outram found out.

The journey Outram would take, starting in Calcutta would be up the Ganges and encompass several stops on the way, as he inspected the stations held by British troops or wily civilians. His first stop was at Bhagalpur, some 230 miles from Calcutta, in Bihar. The journey had taken him 9 days and he arrived on the 15th of August.
The first tour of inspection was promising – the energetic Mr. Yule pleased Outram immensely.

“On the evening of the 15th instant we anchored off Bhaugulpore, where I landed to inspect the defensive preparations of Mr. Yule, the Commissioner, which I found to be everything I could desire — eighty men of H.M. ‘s 5th Regiment occupying a Mahomedan tomb on an elevated position, impregnable by any enemy not furnished with artillery, and which thoroughly commands and protects the Commissioner’s house and public offices. Mr. Yule had kindly given up a portion of his house as an hospital for the Europeans, among whom cholera had broken out…”

Yule returned to Outram’s boat around midnight, shaking him out of his bed, with the news that the 5ht Irregular Cavalry, stationed at Bhagalpur had
” ….had mounted and fled with their arms three hours before, though the circumstance was only just reported to him. It appears that as our steamer and flat exhibited only some twenty soldiers, they imagined that a stronger body was concealed for the purpose of surprising and disarming them during the night; and this caused the panic through which they fled.
Half of their native officers remained; the troopers molested no one and left all their property behind them. Before our departure, shortly after daybreak …. Mr. Yule reported having ascertained that the cavalry had taken the direction of Bowsee, 36 miles from Bhaugaulpore, where the headquarters of the 32nd N.I. are situated. Up to this moment, we have learnt nothing of their proceedings, or whether they induced the 32nd Regiment to follow their example; but the flight of the sowars having been reported by telegraph to Moughyr and Dinapore, created, as we found on our arrival at these towns, a very unnecessary alarm.”

Outram’s reply to Yule had been rather shorter than his letter to Canning -‘ “Well, you know best what to do; goodnight! “and went back to sleep. And Yule did not disappoint.

He had already sent a message to Colonel Burney at Bansi – it cost him a king’s ransom to have it delivered – some £100- and fortunately the sum was not wasted on the colonel. Burney, upon receiving it, turned out his regiment for ball practice, with the sole intention of emptying their pouches, the sound of which the oncoming sowars mistook for firing at the station. They turned tail and fled in a different direction, leaving Bansi unmolested and Burney’s regiment intact.
The news of the flight of the 5th had caused a regular panic upriver – at Monghyr, Outram’s next stop, he remained long enough to reinforce the station with 30 European troops and to chastise the commander, who, unlike Colonel Bunsey and Mr. Yule had felt flight was better than fight – he had gathered up his 50 European troops and fled to the nearest fort, leaving his station unguarded, and thus allowing the panic to spread. Outram ordered the man out of his hideaway and back into the town.
The commander skulked back into Monghyr now with 80 Europeans and a detachment of irregulars, more than sufficient, in Outram’s estimation, to hold the station and surrounding country.
The situation was hardly better at Dinapore. Fearful of an attack by the dispersed sowars, the commander there recalled the 90th Regiment that had passed the station scarcely four days earlier, an order Outram was unable to prevent, and the men arrived in Dinapore before Outram did. Once again, like at Monghyr, Outram was forced to leave some of his men at Dinapore to waylay the fears of a panicked commander.
Delays such as these wearied Outram and tried his patience – he only arrived in Benares on the 28th of August. With no cavalry of any sort to support him, he was approached by one Captain Johnson of the Bombay Army and now commander of the 12th Irregular Cavalry. Johnson was ill and had been ordered home by his doctor, but not a man to shirk in the sight of a fight, Johnson volunteered his services to Outram and offered to bring up what remained of the 12th Irregulars to reinforce Outram’s troops. The offer was accepted, and Johnson was ordered to bring up without delay and by forced marches if need be, to join Outram either at Allahabad or Cawnpore.
Johnson left Benares the same day, accompanied by two horsemen and proceeded to Azamgarh, where the remnant of the regiment had remained under the command of Rissaldar Muhammad Bukah Khan. Employing the “Bombay way of doing business,” Johnson ordered the regiment to be ready to march at 2 in the morning. This rather astounded the men who immediately made excuses not to start, but Johnson remained firm, and at 2 in the morning, as ordered, they rode out of Azamgarh.

By the 1st of September, Outram reached Allahabad. On the 3rd, the steamer and flat conveying Major Eyre’s battery and a portion of the 5th Fusiliers arrived, followed the next day by the headquarters of HM’s 90th. Outram could now prepare to march in Cawnpore.
Reinforcements had been sent from Benares to Havelock, reaching him on the 5th of September. It was hardly enough to advance on Lucknow; he would contend with holding Cawnpore until Outram arrived.
On the 5th of September, instead of waiting for his horses, which had been dispatched too late from Raniganj, Major Eyr departed, his battery pulled by bullocks. He was ready to march at 3 a.m. under Major Simmons. It was a distance of 127 miles that needed to be crossed -they would travel 25 miles a day and the march would be done in 6 stages. The entire strength of the party was 683 men, most of them from HM’s 5th Fusiliers, with a few men of the 64th and 84th Regiments, along with Eyre’s artillery, and two 8-inch howitzers.
Outram would follow during the night of the 5th, with a further 678 men of the 90th Regiment and a company of the 78th (87 men in all) who were expected up from Benares. The whole contingent, heading to Cawnpore would consist of 1448 men, and the number was only achieved by weakening the garrison at Allahabad. However, if intelligence was correct, Captain Peel’s naval brigade was moving up the river from Calcutta, one native regiment from Madras had reached Mohngyr on the 27th of August and another was already on the advance.
True to his word, Outram left Allahabad but after only 14 miles- the first of 6 stages of the advance to Cawnpore – he realised the unseasoned troops of the 90th Regiment could not march. They had spent nearly 5 months on board ship and in river steamers; the men were physically unfit and unable to handle the strain of what Outram expected of them. He wrote to Havelock,

“As we have such favourable accounts of the Lucknow garrison (there can be no doubt, I think, of their ability to hold out as long as need be) — and it being of importance you should receive your reinforcements in an efficient state — I propose, unless I hear from you that quicker movement is indispensable, or at least desirable, to pursue the ordinary ten marches to Cawnpore.’

Taking every measure possible to preserve the health of his men, Outram allowed the pace of the march to lessen – even so, 2 men died before they reached the 4th stage and a further 40 of the 90th Regiment were on the sick list. It was not the promising start Outram had hoped for and he informed Major Simmons, with Eyre’s battery to likewise adjust their pace. It was just as well. At Kalgaon, the fourth stage of Outram’s march, he received notice that some zamindars of Oudh, taking advantage of the lawlessness in the province, had amassed a force of 400 men with two guns, had crossed the river parallel to Outram’s force and were plundering the Doab. With this notable danger to his flank, Outram immediately halted Simmon’s detachment and moved them up to Kurria on the 10th of September. Here he ordered Major Eyre to proceed against the zamindars – the force consisted of 100 Europeans of the 5th and 50 of the 64th, all mounted on elephants, with two guns.

We left Captain Johnson with the 12th Irregulars, who he found to be “very khoosh” (happy) and in all, a sound bunch of men. They rode between eight and nine hours every night and met with no hostility as they made good pace towards Cawnpore. On the 6th of September, Johnson sent a note to Outram, who was now encamped at Kurria. Outram replied with new orders for Johnson: “Though your note is dated 7.30 a.m., those rascally horsemen have only this moment brought it in, and so have forfeited the hundred rupees reward I promised them…” Johnson was to proceed without delay to Hutwa Pass and rendezvous with Major Eyre. It was ten miles from Johnson’s camp but it would mean his men would have ridden 40 miles in one day – a fact not lost on Outram, who promised to remember the favour. The only disappointment Johnson had to offer was he only had 40 men with him – the rest, Outram hoped would follow, even at their own pace, and overtake him when convenient.

On the 10th of September, as ordered, Johnson in command of the 12th Irregulars with Lieutenant Charles Havelock as his second-in-command joined Major Eyre at Hutgaon.

“I arrived at Hutgaon last evening at dusk, where I was joined by Captain Johnson’s troop of 12th Irregular Horse, forty in number. As they had marched twenty-four miles, and were in need of rest, I halted till half-past one a.m., when we had the advantage of moonlight to pursue our march to Koondun Puttee, where we arrived at daybreak. The Oude rebels, having been apprised a little previously of our advance, had fled precipitately to their boats, about half a mile off. I ordered the cavalry under Captain Johnson and Lieutenant Havelock to pursue them, and followed myself with all practicable speed with the infantry and guns. We found the cavalry had driven the enemy into their boats, which were fastened to the shore, and were maintaining a brisk fire on them from the bank above. On the arrival of Hill’s Fusiliers and 64th Foot, under Captains Johnson and Turner, the fire of our musketry into the densely crowded boats was most telling; but the enemy still defended themselves to the utmost, until the guns under Lieutenant Gordon opened fire, when the rebels instantly threw themselves panic-stricken into the river. Grape was now showered upon them, and a terrific fusillade from the infantry and cavalry was maintained, until only a few scattered survivors escaped. Their number appeared to be about three hundred. Previously to their plunging into the river, they threw their guns overboard, and blew up one of their boats, where, I regret to say, one man of Hill’s (54th) was killed, and ten more or less injured, of whom five were Europeans and five natives.”

The next day, the battle continued. Having heard of another party of insurgents attempting to cross higher up the river, Eyre dispatched Johnson once again, to reconnoitre with orders to “intercept” them.
By the time Johnson arrived, they had already retreated across the river. Unable to follow them, Johnson ordered a small fort which the insurgents had but recently erected, blown up before he retired back to Eyre’s position. Eyre meanwhile took the time to speak to the thanadar of Koondun Puttee, one Mahomed Zuboor Khan. The man informed him the destruction of the invading force from the day before had struck a significant blow against the rebels in Oudh – it had been their intention to over-run the country between Fatehpur and Allahabad to severe communications and force Outram to re-think his route. The road, in his estimation, was now least for a time, safe.
On the 15th of September, Sir James Outram entered Cawnpore, not the supersede Havelock, but surprisingly to volunteer in his force.

“The important duty of relieving the garrison of Lucknow had been first entrusted to Major-General Havelock, C.B., and Major-General Outram feels that it is due to this distinguished officer, and the
strenuous and noble exertions which he has already made to effect that object, that to him should accrue the honour of the achievement. “Major-General Outram is confident that the great end for which General Havelock and his brave troops have so long and so gloriously fought, will now, under the blessing of Providence, be accomplished. .. The Major-General, therefore, in gratitude for, and admiration of, the brilliant deeds of arms achieved by General Havelock and his gallant troops, will cheerfully waive his rank on the occasion, and will accompany the force to Lucknow in his civil capacity as Chief Commissioner of Oudh – tendering his military services to General Havelock as a volunteer.” (Letter of James Outram to Henry Havelock).

This act of generosity involved no small sacrifice from Sir James Outram. Already a G.C.B. any further award would have been a permanent title and a substantial pension – by nominating himself a volunteer, Outram knew he was excluding himself from the possibility of a baronetcy. Financially, for men of lesser means, it would have been suicidal – a civilian volunteer was hardly entitled to any significant amount of prize money; had Outram remained in command, his part of the reward would have been enough to see him comfortably through his retirement, with enough remaining to leave a pleasing legacy to his descendants. It was, as his biographer, Sir F.J. Goldsmid pointed out, no mere act of chivalrous impulse but a “deliberate act of self-sacrifice.” And yet, it speaks volumes of a man’s character, willing to leave aside such enviable glory, for the sake of one to whom recognition had been so slow coming. Lucknow belonged to Henry Havelock.

^{Sources:
Forrest, G. W., ed. Selections from the Letters, Despatches and Other State Papers Preserved in the Military Department of the Government of India, 1857-58. Vol. 2, Lucknow, Cawnpore. Calcutta: Military Department Press, 1902.
Goldsmid, F. J. James Outram: A Biography. 2 vols. London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1880. (Note: While the title page is dated 1880, historical records show the biography was printed and widely circulated between 1880 and 1881).
Johnson, W. T. Twelve Years of a Soldier’s Life: From the Letters of Major W. T. Johnson. Edited by his Widow. London: A. D. Innes & Company, 1897.
Malleson, G. B., ed. Kaye’s and Malleson’s History of the Indian Mutiny of 1857–8. Vol. 3. London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1892.}