“It is a matter of deep regret that the detachment of the state troops that had under your orders been stationed for the protection of the Residency, joining with the British forces, adopted a course of direct mutiny, and led on by their unfortunate fate did, on the 1st instant, raise a great disturbance, and having commenced firing guns, killed some innocent beings…” (Revolt in Central India, Appendix I, p 237)

So began a letter, penned by His Highness Maharaja Holkar to the Agent for Central India, on the 4th of July, 1857.

Holkar was in a difficult situation. His warnings to Durand that his troops would not listen to him had gone unheeded; he had only met Durand twice between April and June – it was hardly enough time to begin a relationship with the man, much less solidify it. They neither knew nor trusted each other to any workable degree – and now, with Durand gone, Holkar would have to prove himself innocent of mutiny. The questions remain: where was Holkar on the 1st of July, and what was he doing?

Shortly after the attack on the Residency began, Durand sent a message to Holkar – it remained unanswered, fermenting in Durand’s mind, that Holkar himself had ordered the attack. What Durand did not know was that Jemadar Jeeva Singh, to whom Durand had entrusted the letter, did not deliver it – instead, he used it as an opportunity to leave the Residency to go and hide in his own house in Indore.
Major Travers claims would that Holkar could have seen smoke of the guns from the windows of his palace, the imposing Rajwada Palace, three miles distant, which would have been true had Holkar been at the palace. However, on the 1st of July, Holkar was at a haveli belonging to one of his chief officers, Bhowani Singh Sirnobut, a little distance away from the palace. That building was low-lying and surrounded by houses – Holkar might have heard distant firing, but he would have seen nothing. Even from the palace, unless he had been at the top windows, his view towards the Residency would have been minimal.

As soon as news of the attack was given to Holkar, without hesitation, he ordered his escort to hasten to the succour of Durand. Unfortunately, at this moment, he was interrupted by Sadat Khan, who arrived “at full gallop, covered with blood from a slight wound he had received in the face, calling on the troops to join in a war of religion, and appealing to Holkar to place himself at their head.” The attack on the Residency had been led by Sadat Khan, a disgruntled half-pay officer with no official position in Holkar’s court – he had been recently suspended not just for incompetence but misconduct from his post in the Customs Department and was also holding a grudge against Holkar personally. His uncle had once commanded one of Holkar’s cavalry regiments, a position Sadat Khan had coveted and was refused.

His sudden appearance threw everything into confusion. Holkar now could not proceed towards the Residency as it would signal to his men he had acquiesced to Khan’s demand, nor could he send his men, knowing full well they would probably mutiny as soon as they were out of his sight.

“Subsequently, the whole Residency was plundered, and the Muhammeadans raised the standard of religion. A total disorganization followed; none of my troops would listen to orders, and quite confused, I had nothing left but to regret. I immediately sent a mission to Mhow asking for aid, but my people could get no admission to the Colonel.” (continuation of Holkar’s letter).

Holkar’s first objective should have been to arrest Sadat Khan but circumstances proved otherwise. With a mutinous cavalry on one side and a population ripe for revolt on the other, Holkar managed at the most to detain him for several hours, but neither openly clapped him in irons nor arrested him. Holkar’s situation was further irritated by the arrival of Bans Gopal, who was in command of the detachment of Infantry and guns at the Residency, who now loudly demanded Holkar’s orders. The mutiny, he said, had been started by Sadat Khan who, with a proclamation of “Deen, deen!” had ordered the Mahomad Ali, Jemadar of the artillery, to unlimber the guns and open fire on the Residency. Bans Gopal insisted he had tried to stop the gunners, but no one would listen to him; they went on “shouting and firing”, ignoring him completely. Holkar told Gopal he would be held responsible for his actions but ordered him, nevertheless, to return to the Residency and regain control over his men.
Having established some kind of authority, Holkar selected his most trustworthy men to hold the mutineers in check, viz, prevent more from joining the ranks of those already at the Residency. Holkar returned to his palace to seek advice. As he alighted at the steps, a message arrived that not only had the British commanded troops at the Residency mutinied, but Durand had retreated. The remaining troops under Holkar’s command, greeting the news as a great success, fell out of Holkar’s control. He had done what was within his means – he had confined Sadat Khan, sent Bans Gopal back to the Residency to order the mutineers to withdraw and prevented the remaining troops from adding to the ranks of the mutineers. It explains why when Durand and the rest of the Europeans retreated, their flight was mostly unhampered – except for some shots fired, they left Indore with no opposition at all. Had Holkar been of a different frame of mind, no one would have escaped, and history would have written about the massacre at Indore.
Although some conjecture was made as to why Durand did not seek refuge with the Maharaja instead of abandoning Indore, it must be realised, at that moment, he could neither proceed through the town nor be sure of what welcome he would receive had he managed to reach the palace in the first place. Had Holkar received the message Durand had sent, it still is doubtful if Holkar could have secured Durand any safe passage within Indore itself. Durand, however, was completely convinced Holkar had ordered the attack – it is unlikely he would have sought the Maharaja’s shelter even if he had been in the position to offer it. So Durand left Indore, and what remained for Holkar was to make the best out of a very precarious situation.
It must be remembered that even Scindia of Gwalior was unable to prevent the mutiny in his domain. The difference is, while Macpherson offered to remain behind and had to be sent away by the regent to safety in Agra, Scindia could still rely on not just the council of Dinkar Rao but on Macpherson. Durand made his retreat so complete that for the next three weeks, no one could say for sure where he was. The troops might have abandoned their allegiance to Holkar, but it can be said Durand shamefully neglected his duty to Holkar. It speaks in Holkar’s favour that at this point, he continued to support the British, as his further actions will tell. He had little hope of stopping the plundering in Indore or at the Residency – instead, he turned his attention towards Mhow.

At 4pm the same day, Holkar sent Rao Ramachandra Rao Bhow, Bakshi Khuman Singh and Ganpar Rao Seetaram Vakil to Mhow to wait on Colonel Platt, inform him of the uprising at Indore and seek his advice in lieu of Colonel Durand in regards to further operations. Their movements, however, were halted at Pivarai, close to Rao.
Finding a European officer, Major MacMullen, in charge of the Pivarai picquet, the three men appealed for permission to proceed to Mhow and were refused. The officer stated he had no orders to allow anyone into Mhow itself – but could be prevailed on, with the greatest difficulty, to send a pencilled note to Colonel Platt.

MacMullen, obviously aware of what had happened at Mhow and most likely in an excited state himself, sneeringly asked the Vakil if the note had been “wetted with blood…” The Vakil then asked MacMullen where he could find Durand, at which MacMullen replied, “I shall not tell you.” After two hours, there was still no answer forthcoming from Mhow, and the men despondently returned to Indore. No one would acknowledge receiving the note from the three emissaries, but they would admit they received Durand’s scrawl, “Send the European battery as sharp as you can. We are being attacked by Holkar.” It is no wonder then that his men were not allowed access to Colonel Platt.

“About the same time, the Mhow troops, also mutinying, killed some officers and having burnt some houses marched to Indore where they joined the mutinous, and disaffected here. It is impossible to describe the excitement, plunder, and bloodshed that continued here for the two following days. I had no troops left to think of fighting with the troops of the line from Mhow, who, under the excuse of supplies and carriages, sent their men into the town and were joined by hundreds of bad characters to plunder the people. Although I sent my people to persuade them, yet the mutineers of the Durbar troops that had joined them would not desist from plundering.” ( continuation of Holkar’s letter)

On the same afternoon, Holkar sent a letter to Lord Elphinstone at Bombay, a further one to Lord Canning at Calcutta and one to Colonel Durand – only the one to Elphinstone was received and acknowledged. At 6 pm, Holkar was informed by the Patawari of Tillore that Durand had safely reached his territory. Holkar immediately dispatched a deputation consisting of Raoji Gora Vakil and Teekaram Jemadar, with an escort, to Tillore to ensure the wants and needs of Durand’s party were secured and to inform Durand “his Highness was distressed beyond measure and ready to give all the help in his power.” But Durand continued his retreat, and for the next few days, no one could ascertain in which direction he had gone. Holkar would hear nothing from Durand directly until the 1st of August.

Ordering Sadat Khan to bring the plundering of Indore to an end, Holkar released him from confinement. He promptly joined the mutineers in their march to Agra. He would not be arrested until 1874 when, while living in Pratabgarh in Rajputana, he became embroiled in an altercation with a neighbour over a boundary dispute. The boundary officer sent to investigate the dispute was apprised of the fact that one of the parties involved was none other than Sadat Khan, the rebel leader of Indore. His identity proved Sadat Khan was subsequently arrested and tried. He had been betrayed, not by his kinsmen, but by his opposites in the boundary dispute. Had he had the sense to keep himself quiet, Sadat Khan might have lived to a ripe old age, but the government, for all its ponderous machinations, had a long memory. With the government’s sanction, Sadat Khan was executed in September 1874.
As for Bans Gopal, he too would throw in his lot with the mutineers, but Sadat Khan’s trial would prove he had neither plotted nor instigated it. After taking his share in the plunder, he would march with them towards Agra.
It would further be ascertained that the revolt itself had been conceived and contrived by three men – Waris Mohammed Khan of Bhopal, who was living in the Residency grounds, Maulvi Abd-oos-Samad and Sadat Khan himself, none of whom were directly connected with Holkar’s Court. It is interesting to note, however, that while Sadat Khan was placed at the head of the mutiny and subsequently noted as a man of rank in Holkar’s court, this was blatantly untrue. Ample evidence proved Sadat Khan was a disgruntled man, no doubt, but he held no position either in Holkar’s cavalry and even less so in his court. The part played by Waris Khan was subsequently ignored by Durand, who had failed to appreciate the fierce and fanatical nature of a man who had placed himself at the head of the party opposed to Sikandra Begum, whom he hoped to replace on the throne. Sir Robert Hamilton had had him deported from Sehore to the fort of Mundlasir on the Narbadda, under house arrest, but it was Durand who had allowed him to leave the fort, on a plea of bad health and take up an abode next to his own in the Residency grounds. Durand then promptly forgot to mention this in his governmental despatches. Durand’s intent, as it will be seen, to make up for his own poor judgment, was to throw Holkar to the dogs.

Meanwhile, Holkar was determined to protect the few Europeans who had come to him seeking refuge. Three Europeans – Meesrs Norris, Farrell and Sargon; seven Anglo-Indian clerks and several Indian Christians and two English-speaking Indians in government employ, Dhrum Narrain and Serup Narrain and Captain Fenwick, an Anglo-Indian officer in Holkar’s employ, were all protected by him. He also ordered the bodies of the slain Europeans at the Residency to be buried decently in coffins.

“At length, a message was sent by the mutineers to send them the heads of the few Europeans and Christian women that had found shelter in my own place, and that if this were not done, the plundering would not cease. I replied that the murder of these Christians would not be suffered as long as I live, even if the town were destroyed. The mutineers insisting in their demands, I was obliged in the absence of even a few hundred faithful and trustworthy troops, to go to the mutineers, followed by a few personal attendants, and told them that they would one day be recompensed for what they had done, and wished them to leave Indore. The mutineers had forcibly taken carriage from the town, and with that and some that was supplied them in order to have them removed and the town saved. “ (Holkar’s letter)

Holkar’s attempt to save Indore was misconstrued by Captain Townsend Hungerford at Mhow as a direct acknowledgement of his involvement in the mutiny, but Hungerford, at least, was not a Durand.

Holkar promptly replied.

These were not the only people Holkar protected. Upon hearing, to his distress that Captain and Mrs. Hutchinson had been placed in confinement by the Raja of Amjheera – it must be noted that Mrs. Hutchinson was the daughter of Robert Hamilton, and Holkar considered her his sister – Holkar wasted no time in ordering three companies of Infantry, two guns and 200 sowars towards Amjheera with orders to “blow up the town, and bring in the Rajah, dead or alive…” should he have further threatened the lives of the Hutchinsons. Holkar was taking a terrible risk – Amjheera was a tributary of Scindia; had he found it necessary to attack, he could have incited a war with the Gwalior State. The threat paid off – the Raja of Amjheera came to his senses and shuttled the Hutchinsons and the other Europeans out of his fort and off to Jhabooa, where, after a short interlude, they made their way to Mhow. Holkar was vindicated in his actions by Mr. Elliot, one of Durand’s assistants who had made his own escape to Mhow –
“I hasten…to thank the Maharaja for the promptitude he had displayed in taking upon himself if necessary, the deliverance of British subjects from enemies, and the punishment of such offenders,” wrote Elliot on the 8th of July to Holkar, “Such proof of friendship is most gratifying, and will be the best proof to evil-disposed persons that the goodwill and friendship that exist between the two Governments will remain unchanged forever.” With Hungerford’s approval, Elliot further concurred that had it been necessary for Holkar to march into foreign territory to persuade the Raja of Amjheera to surrender the Europeans, the “British Government will not fail to support you and accept the responsibility…” Fortunately, Holkar never had to find out if what Elliot and Hungerford so firmly believed would have been true.

It was not the end of Holkar’s worries. Rumours arrived at Mhow on 7 July that the Indore mutineers had returned – enraged with the Mhow mutineers who had left before them taking the treasure, they demanded Holkar recover it for them. With the intelligence provided, Hungerford ascertained they were planning to move on Dewas to attack the Mhow mutineers and take the treasure back from them. In reply, Holkar stated he had ordered an attack to be made on both the Indore and Mhow mutineers as soon as they were far enough away from his city. He wrote to Hungerford,

“The Komisdar of Terana has now, according to the orders, assembled about 1100 men, together with 2 guns and was to attack them at or near Rajwas; an attacking column has also been in pursuit of a few stragglers towards Jamere, a third column, to the strength of 350 horse, was sent on yesterday (6th of July); and fourth column, of 2 guns of horse artillery, 100 sephais and 50 horse dispatched from Indore…Letters have also been addressed to Scindia’s authorities and Shajahanpore and Oojein, as well as the Rajas of Dewass and Nursingur, to send succour…” He further placed a bounty of Rs. 5000. on Sadat Khan’s head, Rs. 500. on that of Bans Gopal, a further Rs. 500. on that of Mahomed Ali and a smaller reward of Rs 150.- for those of any mutineer or officer respectively.

These are not the actions of a regent opposed to the Government. Holkar further dispatched to Mhow what remained of the Residency treasury, anything the mutineers had not been able to carry off, was restored to Hungerford, who charged its safety to Mr. Elliot. With Hungerford and Elliot’s help, Holkar was able to re-establish telegraphic communications and maintain a measure of peace in his territory.

While it is established that Holkar was doing everything within his limited power to restore peace in Indore and assist the British, and Hungerford was placed in the unenviable position of handling affairs in Durand’s absence, what, if anything, was Durand doing?

Durand’s Three Weeks and What He Did Next

For details of Durand’s proceedings, readers can turn to The Malwa Field Force however, we can also continue, in lesser detail, here.

“I have never approved of the assumption of the Agent’s powers by Captain Hungerford, Captain Elliot and Lieutenant Hutchinson when communication with myself at Sehore, Hoshungabad and Aseerghur was easy and rapid. What was necessary for the security and supply of the military post in the Fort at Mhow was the duty of Major Cooper of the 23rd Naive Infantry, the senior officer present, to perform. Why Captain Hungerford assumed the powers he did, I can neither understand nor approve; nor can I approve that men in the position of dependence upon Holkar, like Lieutenant Hutchinson and the occupants of the Mhow Fort, should assume the political functions of the Agent, and in utter ignorance of what had taken place at Indore, should take upon themselves, contrary to the express orders of the Governor-General in Council, to judge the conduct of Holkar and the Darbar.” (Durand’s dispatch from Mhow, No. 207, 18th August 1857 to the Government of India, paragraph 7)

What Durand appeared to have forgotten when writing this scathing letter was that for three weeks, no one knew where he was, and the letters Holkar, Hungerford and his own assistants had written to him, he never answered. He would further insist that Holkar was trying, by some means to extricate himself from the slur of mutiny, by ingratiating himself with Hungerford and Elliot (Hutchinson was already a lost cause, being a relative of Lord Hamilton) and instead of giving him credit where credit was due, he claimed Holkar should have been able to not on forestall the mutiny but prevent it altogether. The European officers, in Durand’s arrogant opinion, had fallen into Holkar’s trap by assuming his innocence in the whole affair. He even went as far as accusing Lord Elphinstone of the same, leading Elphinstone to sharply rebuke Durand against holding any prejudices against Holkar.

Durand was not a man to admit his faults. His hasty retreat, though justified by the circumstances he was facing, was complicated by the fact that he did not proceed to Mhow. Had he done so, instead of retreating to Bhopal, he would have remained in contact with Holkar and Elphinstone; instead, by choosing the path he did, he left the European officers in Mhow with a responsibility he had forced on them by his actions, and consequentially, was not present for any of the subsequent actions taken by Holkar or the officers. He effectively put a distance between himself and Indore and removed any possibility of influencing the outcome of any actions taken in good faith on his behalf. To so willfully rebuke not just Hungerford but his own assistants shows the forceful nature of Durand’s character – he was not a man to be crossed, however lightly. Once he felt he had been unjustly treated, his capacity to carry grudges was beyond measure.
All we have, in Durand’s defence for the three weeks he spent“uselessly and sullenly aloof” (Dickinson) are filled up mainly by Durand’s son and by Sir John Kaye, in “securing the line of the Nerbudda”, of hurrying the troops up into Central India, and by completely disapproving of the actions of another civilian, Mr. Plowden, who to the best of his knowledge believed everyone at Mhow had been killed and it would be a waste of time sending forces to that station when they could be used elsewhere. While Sir John Kaye remains somewhat neutral regarding Durand’s actions if history had been left to Durand’s son, who undoubtedly admired his father and as a government official himself, was able to not only access but pick and choose his way through official papers as he saw fit in defence of his father, it, unfortunately, cast aspersions on everyone else, including Lord Elphinstone.

Durand’s son surmises that Lord Elphinstone, instead of being the forward-thinking and active leader in the crisis, which he undoubtedly was, had contemplated abandoning the line at the Narbada River to secure the Bombay Presidency. Had Elphinstone considered this, he might have gone down in history as a fool – it is only Durand and, to some extent, Kaye who shovels the blame on Plowden instead, who make this supposition. Elphinstone, on the other hand, was doing everything in his power to push Woodburn forward and dispatch as many troops from his presidency to the succour of Central India as he could spare without sacrificing the security of Bombay. Instead, Durand harrassed Plowden, the Commissioner of the Central Provinces, wrote to General Woodburn and authorised the officers commanding the various military posts to disregard any order they might receive to abandon their positions on the Narbada. Durand remained in Sehore but one day – he then hurried onto Honsanghabad, from whence he harassed Mr. Plowden before travelling to Aurangabad himself to push Woodburn on. Durand had even, by way of an inferred threat, insisted he would travel to Bombay to present his argument directly in front of Elphinstone.
Woodburn, however, had already relinquished command to Brigadier Stuart, who was on his way to Mhow. Durand met up with Stuart at Asirgarh, and “by impressing his own energy on everyone present with the force.” entered Mhow on the 2nd of August. He would then presume to take control of subsequent military actions in Central India for the next months, instead of resuming his position as Agent to Holkar’s court. He appointed Major MacMullen, Magustrate of Mhow, to inquire into the facts of the 1st of July uprising. Durand further attempted to cast further aspersions not only on Holkar but on Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior, stating that, as Maharatas, they must, by default, be working together; their creed was enough to stamp them as traitors. Macpherson acted promptly from Agra, assuring Scinida his fidelity was never doubted, stating Durand was most likely unaware of the full circumstances of the current situation. While Scindia received a reassuring letter from Lord Canning at Macpherson’s behest, Holkar received nothing.
Major MacMullen, on the other hand, proved Holkar’s cavalry was not complicit in the Residency attack and acquitted them of all wrongdoing, disavowing Durand’s firm belief the cavalry had intended to cut off his retreat from the Residency. He promptly ignored MacMullen’s report, and as late as December 1857, long after MacMullen’s report, Lord Canning was still under the impression the cavalry “was conspicuous in their attack…“
When Durand was done traipsing Central India, he finally returned to Indore, as spiteful as ever. On the 14th of December, fully prepared to counter Holkar’s troops should they show any opposition to him entering the city, Durand met and disarmed Holkar’s regular cavalry and placed them under the care of the Sikh cavalry of the late Bhopal Contingent. He then sent a letter to Holkar’s chief minister demanding the remainder of Holkar’s troops, some 1600 infantrymen, be likewise disarmed. The order proceeded without as much as a murmur from Holkar, and the next day, Durand marched into Indore accompanied by a large body of the officers of the Mhow column. While the meeting between Durand and Holkar went off well, the very next day, Durand was relieved of his position by the return of Sir Robert Hamilton.

In all the preceding months, while Holkar was desperately trying to proclaim his innocence, Lord Canning did not once write to him; his letters to Calcutta remained unanswered. He had effectively been blocked by Durand, who had kept up a relentless correspondence with Calcutta, smearing Holkar’s name as effectively as he could. Holkar would not hear from Canning for more than a year after the mutiny, by which time Durand had done as much damage as possible. The simple fact remains, Durand had been humiliated by his retreat from Indore, but he was not willing to suffer his shame alone. The only person eager to implicate Holkar in the mutiny was Durand.

Lord Elphinstone, in a letter to Holkar on the 11th of July, wrote,

“I was highly delighted to receive your Highness’ letter, dated 1st instant. In reply to the same, I beg to inform your Highness that reinforcements have been ordered to proceed to Mhow, the strength of which will be suffice to protect the station and preserve the peace in your Highness’ territories. The endeavours which your Highness’ Government has made in suppressing rebellion and in punishing the mutinous troops will not be forgotten by the British Government…”

He was equally quick to write to Calcutta on the 13th.

“It seems clearly proved that Holkar was not implicated in the outbreak. He was unable to control his own troops, who were probably set on by the Bengal troops at Mhow and who attacked and plundered the Residency. Colonel Durand appears to be under the impression that Holkar had turned against us and that he was attacked by his orders. This, however, is certainly not the case. On the same evening, Holkar wrote to Colonel Durand and to me protesting his innocence and entreating that the march of General Woodburn’s force should be hastened as much as possible.”

Canning would eventually write to Holkar, but the letter, though friendly, was late in coming.

It was more than he would ever receive from Durand. In a reply to Canning, Holkar states,

“Here I cannot help asking, admitting that I failed to stop a Mutiny that exploded like a volcano, ‘How many British officers or Native Chiefs in that period of mutinies succeeded better than I did?’ ….I could not help asking, ‘could any Native Chief in such circumstances, prevent Mutiny?’ And did any other who saw his power prostrated…recover sufficient authority within five days as I did, to make his capital again centre of allegiance and order, to rescue British officers and subjects beyond his own territories as well as within them, to enable to the British Garrison to hold its ground in his neighbourhood, to give continuous military assistance to the British Government and employ all the resources of his State in its service?
Yet I had been doing this for months while neighbouring states of Gwalior and Bhopal were still helplessly in the power of Mutineers…with this strange conclusion, that the loyalty of the rulers of those States was acknowledged and liberally rewarded by augmentation of their territories. However, I certainly did ‘deserve the respect of the British Government’ and in the opinion of many Englishmen its ‘gratitude.’ Had I been unfriendly or disloyal, Captain Durand would not have survived to make representations against me…”

Holkar never received the thanks he deserved and remained, as Durand long as lived, under a cloud of suspicion. He would provide support to the Central India Field Force, under Hugh Rose, rendering them any assistance in his power – elephants, camels and escorts, he also extended his own network of spies and messengers, ensuring information about rebel movements was passed on swiftly and he even advanced at the head of his own troops to the cooperate with Brigadier Stuart’s forces at Mandasor. Unlike other rulers, Holkar never received the recognition he justly deserved.

Durand on the other hand, received more than he had cause to get. After sneering at Hungerford’s work at Mhow (Hungerford died in 1859, and by this unhappy circumstance, never fully rebuked Durand as he justly deserved), maligning Elphinstone, finding unpleasant things to say about Hutchinson and Elliot, and generally placing himself a head higher than he deserved, he deliberately did not furnish the government with a report explaining his conduct in the five months between July 1st and the 15th of December in regards to Holkar, simply stating he would write it “at leisure.” The report was never written – it would appear Durand did not find it his obligation to explain any of the statements he had made against Holkar, much less refute the baseless accusations he, Durand, was wont to throw about. On the other hand, by withholding such a report, he never found the “leisure” to make a distinct charge against Holkar and his court either.
“And thus, in the successive offices he filled, Colonel Durand felt it incumbent on him, whenever the occasion offered, to throw out vague imputations of misbehaviour against Holkar, which carried all the weight of his high position and reputation, and which, we may well suppose, were understood to refer to notorious and recorded facts.”
It would be Sir Robert Hamilton who would finally write the report to the government in regard to Holkar in which he would praise not only Holkar’s services but render him a “loyal, faithful and steadfast ally.” The report never met with much notice, and all Holkar received from it was the “cordial thanks” of the Government in January 1860.
Durand, however, would rise in Canning’s estimation – first to his aid, where he wielded enough power to persuade Canning to withhold the “complete and candid acknowledgement of Holkar’s good and faithful service” which the Governor-General had been prepared to issue in January 1858. Instead, in December 1859, Canning announced his condemnation of Holkar.

Holkar, for his pains, received the right of adoption and would be reimbursed for any expenses he incurred on account of troops “entertained in consequence of the mutiny of the Mahidpore Contingent towards the support of which the fixed annual contribution has been paid by the Indore Darbar.” Although he continued to appeal the right of territory, he never received the rewards he deserved.

In 1861, at a Jabalpur Darbar where Holkar met Canning in person, he was informed that the Queen included Holkar in her first creation of the Knights of the Star of India in acknowledgement of Holkar’s service. For a short time, Holkar felt his reputation was on the mend when the next blow came. Durand was appointed Foreign Secretary, a post from which he dominated all the States and Agencies of India, the very office any paper in regard to Holkar would have to pass first. He held the post until 1864 when he was made a Member of the Governor-General’s Council. He used his time, for nine long years, to ensure that any appeal made from Holkar or on his behalf remained hopeless as long as Durand had a stranglehold on the Calcutta Foreign Office or in the Viceregal Council in which Durand held a seat. Durand finally left the Calcutta government for his final position as the Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab. He would meet his end in 1871 by falling off an elephant that tried to enter a gateway too low to accommodate his personage. Thus died Henry Marion Durand, son of an officer of Waterloo.

Holkar died in 1886 and was succeeded by his eldest son, Shivjirao Holkar. The line remained unbroken. On the 22nd of April, 1948, the Maharaja of Indore, Yashwant Rao Holkar II signed a covenant with the other neighbouring princely states to form the new state of Madhya Bharat, also known as the Malwa Union. In 1956, it was merged with the states of Vindhya Pradesh and Bhopal State to form today’s Madhya Pradesh.

We can surmise that the innocence of Holkar in 1857 has never been upheld with certainty. It, however, begs to question what would have happened in that fateful year had it not been for men like Holkar? That is a question even Durand was never forced to answer. Holkar was a victim of unfortunate circumstances, and he paid the price for unswerving loyalty with his honour.

^{Sources:
The Life of Major-General Sir Henry Marion Durand – H.M. Durand C.S.I. (1883)
The History of the Indian Mutiny Vol. I – Charles Ball (1892)
Kaye’s and Malleson’s History of the Indian Mutiny of 1857-8, Vol III and Vol V. – edited by Colonel Malleson (1889/1907)
A History of the Indian Mutiny Vol. III – G.W. Forrest (1902)
Indore State Gazeteer Vol II – Captain C.E. Luard (1908)
The Revolt in Central India 1857-59, Compiled in the Intelligence Branch – Major R.G. Burton (1908)
Selection of Letters, Despatches and Other State Papers, Vol IV – George W. Forrest (1912)
The Life of His Highness Maharaja Tukoji Rao Holkar II, Ruler of Indore – Muntazim Bahadur M.W. Burway (1925)
The Revolt in Central India – Malwa – Khushalilal Srivastava (1966)}